
A Russian military satellite, Cosmos 2612, has maneuvered into the same orbit as ICEYE-X36, a U.S.-registered radar satellite run by the Finnish-founded company ICEYE that supports Ukraine (CSIS). Public tracking data have put the two within a few kilometers of each other since Oct. 16. No hostile act has been documented. This page tracks whether Russia is setting up the first attack on a Western satellite in orbit, and what would show it.
Cosmos 2612 has moved into the same orbit as ICEYE-X36, a radar satellite that supports Ukraine. On Oct. 17 two independent satellite trackers, Jonathan McDowell and Marco Langbroek, said it maneuvered on Oct. 15–16 to stay alongside, within a few kilometers; McDowell called it, to his knowledge, the first rendezvous of two active satellites in low orbit without one owner’s approval. Russia has tested releasing projectiles from satellites and has called commercial satellites aiding Ukraine possible targets. No hostile act has been documented, and no government has commented. Our Oct. 24 check will confirm whether it holds.
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America 2.0's estimate of the distance between Cosmos 2612 and ICEYE-X36, recomputed every two hours from public U.S. tracking data. Dots are our estimates at each new set of orbital data; hollow squares are distances reported by analysts before our tracking began; the shaded band shows the projected range if neither satellite maneuvers. Below about 2 km, public data cannot resolve the gap.
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We rate the risk from what can be seen: orbital data anyone can check, and on-record statements from governments and the companies involved. America 2.0 recomputes the distance between the two satellites every two hours from public U.S. tracking data.
What happens in orbit is one front in a wider contest over the satellites Ukraine depends on. America 2.0 tracks the others:
Together they track pressure on Ukraine's space links in orbit, on the ground and from Washington.
The most-shared claims, and what public sources can confirm.
Sergey Glazyev, State Secretary of the Union State of Russia and Belarus, wrote on June 27 that Russia should disable Western communications satellites, “including the notorious Starlink constellation,” adding that the weapon needed “may not be entirely conventional” (BUSINESS Online). By August he was arguing that striking communications would burst a U.S. AI bubble (Nezavisimaya Gazeta). On Aug. 22 Konstantin Malofeev, owner of Tsargrad, relayed Glazyev's case in a column urging strikes on Starlink and listing a nuclear detonation in space as the only option “fully ready” (Tsargrad). In July former Roscosmos chief Dmitry Rogozin wrote that destroying Starlink would end the war in two to three weeks (Euromaidan Press). Glazyev holds a government post and said this on the record. A large attack on Western satellites and cables could plausibly shake markets already worried about an AI bubble. What is not shown is whether these proposals have become Russian policy. That is the question this tracker watches.
Pro-Kremlin commentary on X. Close approaches can be benign, CSIS notes, but deliberately matching the orbit of another country's commercial satellite is unusual, and CSIS found no public case of Russia testing such capabilities near a non-Russian satellite (CSIS).
Accurate for Oct. 12–13 (Integrity ISR), and still widely repeated. By Oct. 16 public data put the satellites a few kilometers apart.
Inferred from Russia's past weapons tests and its 2022 warning. CSIS says policymakers “should assume Cosmos 2612 could take an action that threatens” the satellite, but intent is unknown and no hostile act has been seen (CSIS).
Malofeev’s August column proposes releasing “hundreds of thousands of metal balls” and says “the Kessler effect will work” (Tsargrad). Kessler syndrome is a chain of collisions that produces debris faster than it decays, over decades; one breakup does not start it (Kessler et al.). The two satellites fly at about 543 km. A close-range strike there would make far fewer, slower fragments than a missile test; even after Russia’s 2021 missile test at about 480 km, nearly two-thirds of the tracked debris fell out of orbit within a year, though the rest could take more than a decade (SpaceNews). Most Starlink satellites now fly 40–80 km lower, after SpaceX moved them down from 550 km (America 2.0 count of CelesTrak data; Reuters). A nuclear blast is a separate case; see the next claim.
Malofeev’s August column lists a nuclear detonation in space, an electromagnetic pulse or artificial radiation belts that could burn out “hundreds and thousands of satellites,” and says only the nuclear detonation is “fully ready” (Tsargrad). The Secure World Foundation’s review of public reporting says the Russian nuclear anti-satellite capability the US has described “has not been deployed nor tested” (SWF); in 2024 the White House called it “not an active capability that’s been deployed” (CBS News). A blast would be indiscriminate: radiation trapped in low orbit would take nearly 300 days to disperse, most commercial satellites are not hardened against it, and Russian satellites and the crews of the International Space Station and China’s station would be at risk too (SWF). The 1962 Starfish Prime test disabled at least six satellites, a significant share of those then in orbit (SWF), and Malofeev concedes Russia’s own Rassvet network flies at almost Starlink’s altitude (Tsargrad). Satellites knocked out at once could not steer clear of each other; one study put the time to a likely collision, if no satellite could maneuver, at about five and a half days in June 2025 (CRASH Clock study). Placing a nuclear weapon in orbit would violate the Outer Space Treaty, and testing one there the Partial Test Ban Treaty; Russia is party to both (SWF).